What is mass media socialization

Differences in the influence of social living conditions on socialization in the family in the FRG and GDR from 1960 - 1989



1. What is socialization?
1.1. Socialization as the development of personality and identity
1.2. What is family and how important is it in socialization?
1.3. Family research in the FRG and GDR

2. A comparison of essential political, economic and socio-cultural system features in the FRG and GDR from 1960-1989
2.1. Politics and Economics of the Federal Republic
2.1.1. The education system in the FRG
2.2. The dictatorship of the SED in the GDR
2.2.1. The centralized educational goals in the GDR
2.3. Family models and family policy in both German states
2.3.1. Family models
2.3.2. The central family model and educational goal in the GDR Family policy measures and the goal of the new gender relationship in the GDR
2.3.3. The civil family model in the FRG Family policy guidelines and measures in the FRG
2.4. Aspects of the identity-creating function of employment in both German states
2.4.1. The central importance of work in the GDR
2.4.2. The labor market conditions in the FRG
2.5. Housing policy and situation

3. The relationship structures outside of the family in both German states
3.1. The extent of the state crèche education in the GDR
3.2. The influence of the educational function of the school on the family in the GDR
3.3. The meaning of the extrafamilial education in the FRG
3.5. The organized leisure activities outside the family in the GDR

4, Family life in the FRG and GDR from 1960-1989 in comparison
4.1. Forms of private life in the GDR
4.1.2. Forms of private life in the FRG
4.2. Everyday actions and relationships in the family in the family in the FRG and GDR
4.2.1. Everyday family life, leisure activities and mass media in the GDR
4.2.2. Everyday family life, leisure activities and mass media in the FRG
4.3. The parent-child relationship in the FRG and GDR
4.3.1. The mother-child relationship in the GDR
4.3.2. The parent-child relationship in the GDR
4.3.3. The change of educational concepts in the FRG
4.4. The couple relationship in the GDR
4.4.1. Aspects of the couple relationship in the FRG
4.5. The change from the attitude to marriage, family and sexuality in the GDR
4.5.1. Attitudes to marriage, family and sexuality in the FRG

5. Formation of identities
5.1. Identity formation in the GDR
5.2. Identity formation in the FRG summary

1 Introduction

After the end of the Second World War, two states with different social systems developed in Germany under the influence of the occupying powers.

Since then, people from a dictatorship and the existing democratic society have been able to live together again.

Opinion polls show how much East and West Germans differ in their state of mind and how oppositely they assess the past and present of the other side.

"Forty years of dual statehood, however, have constituted differential political, cultural and lifeworld experience spaces and increasingly deepened the cultural and mental differences between East and West Germans, despite continuing similarities" (Schneider, 1994, p.12).

An example of this is the result of a study in conversation with young schoolchildren from East and West, which shows that today, 7 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, prejudices still dominate among young people in East and West (study by the Society for Applied Youth Research, 1995-1997). These prejudices on the part of young people are generalizations and eager evaluations that are not adequately backed up either by knowledge of facts or by experience and can lead to destructive behavior.

In the media reports, a stronger tendency towards violence and right-wing extremism can be observed in the new federal states, which are based on facts and at the same time indicate a danger from the east by the media.

So there is a socio-political necessity to deal with the unknown and incomprehensible of the other.

Most of the students questioned in the above study still live in their parents' home, and discussions with their parents about East and West also influence the formation of opinions.

Dealing with the different socialization conditions and biographies of the parents of today's young people is also an examination of the unknown of the other.

So my diploma thesis includes the elaboration of the different influences of the respective social order on the socialization of the children and adolescents in the family, who grew up from 1960 to 1989 in the FRG and in the GDR.

During my work as a family helper, I learned professionally that the family's influence is fundamental for further personal development, e.g. for problem-solving patterns and strategies, ideas about life, patterns of thought and behavior, worldview, goals in life, defense mechanisms, etc.

Based on this assumption, I would like to demonstrate the various influences of the respective social order on primary socialization in the family from 1960-1989 by means of scientific research results and point out possible differences in the tendencies and directions of personality and identity development in East and West.

In order to find my way in this differentiated phase of social development in Germany, I find it important, personally and as a currently active family helper in Berlin-Neukolln and Berlin-Mitte, to learn more about each other and understand.

Since I also wanted to work with families professionally after graduation, it is necessary to learn to understand the different conditions and processes of growing up in East and West in order to be able to better respond to people and their behavior.

This diploma thesis should also contribute to reflecting on my own life experiences and looking at them in a more differentiated manner.

I grew up in East Germany myself and lived in this social order for 26 years, so that it is extremely interesting to be able to compare two completely different social orders, both of which one has more or less personally experienced.

I would like to acquire knowledge about the different values, norms, patterns, life experiences and identities that the 40 years of division and separation of the German people in East and West brought to life again.

The first question that arises is whether the different social conditions for families in East and West had different effects on the personality development of adolescents, i.e. whether there were any differences in primary socialization in the FRG and GDR between 1960 and 1989 .

Current research results mostly indicate minor differences in values, attitudes and life orientations of young people in East and West.

In its socialization function, the family is interrelated with society and the individual. This means that the family is determined by social development processes and that individual attitudes, interpretation patterns and behaviors of different personalities also have an effect on the development of the family and, together with it, on the structure and dynamics of society (Schneider, op. Cit., P.103 ). Specific personalities and identities are not produced in the family, but the subjective processing is different.

So it is possible that only different tendencies in the processing of the socialization conditions in the family in East and West can be established.

Furthermore, the totality of all environmental conditions is one of the influencing factors on the socialization process in the family, but I cannot go into all of the environmental conditions comprehensively, I just want to concentrate on a few influencing factors that seem essential to me.

In the socialization process, the individual is not confronted with the society around him in its totality and complexity, but only in certain social environments that are also integrated into larger contexts, such as in the family. (Tillmann, 1996, p.16). Basic social and economic structures do not have a direct impact on adolescents, but are conveyed through e.g. family living conditions, parental behavior, playful learning in kindergarten (ibid.). Conversely, individual actions in the family do not have a direct impact on society.

The family is thus integrated into a system of interrelationships between social structure, mediating institutions and individual action, which influences the socialization process.

The family is not a passive victim of social structures and developments, nor is it a self-sufficient institution (Schneider, 1994, p.103).

This can also be checked on the basis of this work. However, the extent to which the socialization benefits socially ascribed to the family are actually provided is not yet sufficiently known, which is due to fundamental mefi problems and privacy of protected family processes (Schneider, op. Cit., P. 231).

Chapter 1 first explains the concept of socialization and the status of the family in this context.

In order to answer the question of whether there were differences in growing up in East and West from 1960-1989, I first distinguished in Chapter 2 the basic characteristics of politics and economics in the respective social structure in which the families lived.

The meaning and function of the family in the respective social structure is answered using the family models and family policy. Aspects of working conditions and employment as socialization conditions for families are only briefly introduced because there is too little empirical research material here.

Because the different social and economic structures of society are also mediated by external family institutions, Chapter 3 examines differences in the importance of non-amillary upbringing and leisure activities for the socialization of adolescent children.

Chapter 4 compares the family lifestyle and poses the question of differences in everyday family life and in social relationships.

Because parents act primarily as environmental mediators for their children, I have focused on the parent-child relationship.

I did not include the mother-child relationship in the FRG for reasons of the scope of the diploma thesis. Attitudes and orientations of young people after the fall of the Wall are included in this chapter, but have not been fully taken into account according to the state of research because it exceeded the scope of the work.

Everyday family life has only been described as a small excerpt and is much more differentiated in the diversity of the individual private world.

Finally, I investigated the question of which tendencies in the development of identity in East and West can be contrasted.

I used the following empirical studies to answer my question:

The Family Survey 1 of the German Youth Institute (DJI) "Die Familie in Westdeutschland" (Ed. Hans Bertram), in 1988 10,043 people between the ages of 18 and 55 according to their family life situation, previous professional and partner biography, were asked about attitudes and value orientations as well as about their children (Bertram, 1991, S.XV).

The Family Survey 2 of the DJI (Ed. Bertram), in which at the turn of the year 1990/91 the standardized interview of the Family Survey in the new federal states was replicated with a representative sample of 2,000 people aged 18-55 years (Bertram, 1992, p.20). The main focus of the Family Survey 1 and 2 was to record and describe the familial forms of life and family relationships as well as to analyze the way families are embedded in the neighborhood, relatives, community and region (Bertram, 1991, p. XVii),

The family survey 5 by Bernhard Nauck and Hans Bertram as a pioneering study. in which the data were linked and reorganized, so that a child-related data set of 22,217 children with information on family living conditions could be created (Nauck / Bertram, 1995, p.5).

A student study by the German Youth Institute in the summer of 1990 in collaboration with the Central Institute for Youth Research (ZGI) in Leipzig. Class (15-16 year olds) in the old Federal Republic and 1,049 schoolchildren in the former GDR were surveyed.

The topics of the survey relate to the students' goals in life, future expectations and ideas of democracy as well as attitudes towards reunification and satisfaction with the political situation in their part of Germany (Basic, 1992, p.7).

Furthermore, I would like to use an elaboration on the history of socialization after the Second World War with the title: "Children of War, Consumption Children, Children in Crisis", in which childhood experiences of several generations were processed.

These texts are the results of a three-year discussion process of the "Working Group Change in Socialization Conditions since the Second World War" within the "Education" section of the German Society for Sociology since May 1980, as well as the authors' individual experiences and scientific work.

In terms of content, the generation-specific, common features are worked out, delimited and compared with one another in order to describe the social change of childhood since the Second World War (Preuss-Lausitz, et al., 1989, p.7 / 8).

The GDR psychotherapist Hans-Joachim Maaz has in his psychogram with the title; "Der Gefiihlsstau", collected reports from his clients in his psychotherapeutic clinic in the Evangelisches Diakoniewerk Halle, which was opened in 1981, and the life stories of these people. analyzed who got into life crises.

His clients were willing to take a look at the stressful past of their history, so that he had access to information in therapy that most people would otherwise have preferred to keep hidden from themselves and from others, as he put it (Maaz, 1990, p.57), A study of 200 crèches and 10,000 children in the GDR in 1988 was investigated by Karl Zwiener with the participation of Elisabeth Zwiener-Kumpf and Christa Grosch with regard to the influences of family and crèche on the health of crèche children (Zwiener, 1994, p.13).

I would also like to use a comparative analysis of family life in East and West Germany by Norbert Schneider, which relates to the period 1970-1992. The empirical basis of this work are the results of official statistics as well as data from youth and family sociological primary surveys which were carried out in the FRG and GDR between 1973 and 1991 and which were reanalysed in this study.

The focus of this study relates to the description and explanation of convergences and divergences of family and private life in both German states as well as the analysis of their causes (Schneider, 1994, p.7).

An examination of the modernization of childhoods in an intercultural comparison by Manuela du Bois-Reymond, Peter Buchner, Jutta Ecarius. Burkhard Fuhs and Heinz-Herrmann Kruger, in which, among other things, the question of the way in which West German and East German children shape their families today is relevant for my work with different starting conditions, as well as differentiating the different starting conditions with different degrees of modernization.

30 families in East Germany and 38 families in West Germany were selected and questioned between 1991 and 1993 (Bois-Reymond, 1994, p.20).

The children surveyed in the new federal states were around ten years old at the time of the political change in 1989, have therefore spent most of their lives in the GDR and were only interviewed and observed "in the second year of German unity", so the socialization context before 1989 and the revolutionary process shaped the personality development of children (Bois-Reymond, 1994, p.259).

Interestingly enough, this work also reports on disputes with East German project members who were tempted to protect "their" families against possible discrimination by Western scientists.

"The" new culture war "between" Wessis "and" Ossis "is also taking place on the meta-level of science" (Bois-Reymond, loc. Cit., P.199).

Immediately after the fall of the Wall, the Deutsche Shell youth organization designed a baseline survey for "life situations, orientations and development perspectives in a united Germany"

To be able to reliably ascertain processes of change in youth life. The main survey took place in 1991 and 4005 adolescents and young adults aged 13-29 were interviewed orally, mostly at home.

This youth study 1992 (vol. 1-4) is mainly a comparative study between old and new federal states (Zinnecker, vol. 3, 1992, p.12),

A direct repetition of the youth study in 1991 was financially supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft in 1996, in which 3275 young people aged 13-29 were questioned in oral interviews lasting for a good hour (Silbereisen, 1996, p.20).

Furthermore, Peter Buchner, Burkhard Fuhs and Heinz-Hermann Kruger published the empirical work: "From Teddybar to the First KuS", with a total of 2663 girls and boys in East and West between February and May 1993 between February and May 1993 the topics: family relationships, independence, orientation and orientation problems of the children, leisure interests, peer relationships and the living and learning environment of school were questioned (Buchner, 1996, p.23).

1. What is socialization?

The concept of socialization is around the end of the 19th century. has been introduced into sociology.

One understands under socialization (with overwhelming agreement of the scientists on this term) the process of emergence and development to a socially capable person, which takes place in mutual dependence on the socially mediated social and material environment, which takes place at a certain point of the historical development of a society exists (Hurrelmann, 1995, p.14}.

It takes protracted and complicated influences to turn a newborn baby who is already in the world in a biologically early stage of maturity and who is not viable on its own, into an adult human being able to act.

What is meant by a person capable of acting?

The competence to act is characterized as a directed and related, conscious, planned and intended action (interactive actions) and as action oriented towards a common linguistic understanding pattern in which a related exchange of information and meaning takes place (communicative action).

Action competence is a state of the individual availability of skills and abilities to deal with internal and external reality.

The interactive and communicative actions are special forms of action that are a prerequisite for dealing with environmental requirements and in which one's own motives, needs and interests can also be incorporated (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.76).

Likewise, the subject capable of acting should be able to build up a reflected self-image for its own possibilities of action, in which a continuity of self-experience and inner self-equality can take place (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.79). The basis and prerequisite for the development of action competence are skills and abilities such as sensory and motor (e.g. physical mobility), interactive (e.g. ability to take on perspectives, willingness to make contact), intellectual (e.g. capacity for information processing and knowledge storage) and affective skills and abilities (e.g. attachment ability, empathy).

These usually develop in the first three years of life (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.161).

Building on this, according to more recent action theory approaches, a distinction is made between cognitive, linguistic, social, moral, aesthetic and emotional competencies, with the help of which people can deal productively with their environment (ibid.).

“The structure of the competence to act is about the available and applicable potentials of environmental perception, the control of action according to ethical and moral principles, the emotional and pleasure-oriented development of the social and natural environment, the verbal naming and Coding of the external reality as well as the ability to socialize and behavioral security "(Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.163).

Is there a fundamental developmental condition that shapes this goal of socialization?

In order to find their way in society, a person needs social relationships (since he is a social being) and has to deal with their norms, rules and cultural values ​​in order to survive.

The social relationships must make a sufficient contribution so that the growing child experiences sufficient emotional ties and loving care to see himself as a welcome and confirmed living human being who can later take on responsibility for himself and others. The child then experiences an affective-emotional need satisfaction and it is dependent on social relationships.

Primary socialization takes place in the family and its place in the socialization process is described in point 2.3.

As the child grows up, the social roles that dictate action in typical situations regulate social relationships. Expectations of the other role bearer are clarified and the attitude towards the actions of the other is made easier for each other.

So the adolescent initially has his role, in which he learns what he is allowed to do as a child and what is not allowed and can orient himself.

The child grows out of its role and knows that it should grow up like mother and father, who separate themselves in their role as parents and learns to put themselves in complementary roles.

“This role-learning is certainly not just a game, it also requires work. Feelings of impertinence, anger, fear, joy, satisfaction and enthusiasm are inextricably mixed "(Bellebaum, 1991, p.70).

The growing child thus deals with the expectations of the parents, which are not always in line with their own needs and interests.

Hurrelmann critically points out that socialization is not seen as a one-sided process of role appropriation, but rather the scope for value structures and action goals that allow role distance not to be underestimated, which implies the development of one's own personality that deviates from the socially established and institutionalized role system (Hurrelmann, 1995 , P.45).

The transfer of culture or familiarization of the child with the respective social or group-specific norms, including their meaning and meaning, is referred to as -enculturation-.

Dealing with and identifying with social norms, values, ideas and attitudes is defined as "internalization" and describes more or less internalized expectations for action, which continue to determine people's motives and needs.

The intensity and meaning of such an identification can vary.

Strongly internalized expectations can come into conflict with contradicting external expectations.

"If this conflict is not carried out, repression, insecurity and ultimately even disorganization of the person can be expected"

(Bellebaum, 1991, p.68).

It then oscillates between adaptation and resistance, with complete absorption in expectations of others or stigmatization as a result of behavior deviating from norms attacking the ego-identity, because the contradicting expectations require a balance.

In GOFFMAN, ego-identity is explained as the subjective reaction and self-feeling when accepting or resisting external expectations.

The individual thus has the opportunity to act actively and individually as a subject capable of acting in relation to environmental expectations.

If the individual is completely absorbed in foreign expectations, the individual cannot realize himself and becomes alienated from himself; if stigmatized as a result of behavior deviating from the norm, he is punished and punished so that he does not develop a positive sense of self, that is, "the relationship between individual claims to a certain Self-concept and its social recognition or realization is disturbed "(Grubitzsch, 1987, p.475). What kind of self-esteem is developed when the expectations of others are completely absorbed, when the expectations of others have even become a need, and the person feels the alienation from himself ?

This question remains open and I suspect that defense mechanisms only become noticeable when the environmental conditions no longer match or the higher expectations change.

Then the consciously reflected situation and life-historical continuity of self-experience on the basis of a consciously available self-image, as Hurrelmann describes the identity, would be in danger (Hurrelmann, 1995, p.171).

One can speak of the end of primary socialization when the growing person has learned to act with a subjective sense and in accordance with the behavior of others, and if one chooses the learning of new knowledge as the criterion for socialization after the primary phase, then there is no end in sight ( Bellebaum, 1991, p.69).

Bellebaum also speaks of practicing behavior and taking on external positions.

Theoretically, his literature is based on the classical functional theory of socialization by underestimating the active subjective processing of environmental expectations.

The entire extra-family or institutionalized upbringing and the experience of other realities than that in the family is referred to as secondary socialization.

In an increasingly complex society, which demands more and more academic and professional knowledge as well as increasing flexibility, secondary socialization becomes more and more important, but primary socialization is fundamental.

The adolescent person is particularly pragmatic at this time with a still poorly developed identity.

There are, however, controversial scholarly discussions about the influence of early childhood experiences in the family and later personal development.

More recent long-term studies, however, have been able to provide data that consider family socialization to be very influential for later intellectual and social skills (Nave-Herz / Markefka, 1989, p.293).

The concept of "education" is clearly distinguished from the concept of socialization and is logically subordinate to this.

Upbringing describes the conscious and planned influence on personality development (Hurrelmann, 1995, p.14).

1.1. Socialization as the development of personality and identity

Socialization is not only the assumption of social expectations in the psychological structures of the individual, but a process of the active appropriation of environmental conditions.

The expectations of a successful socialization are individual competence and identity formation appropriate to the requirements of the environment (Hurrelmann, 1995, p.178).

What is meant by identity formation?

The psycholanalyst ERIKSON describes the ego identity generally as the sum of his identifications and as a specific increase in personal maturity that the individual must have drawn from the wealth of childhood experiences in order to be prepared for the tasks of adult life (Erikson, 1976, p. 123). What is meant by I-Identity and Personality Maturity?

The "personality" as a young term has its roots in the Christian faith, in the "soul" or "essence" of the individual, which must stand before God in his personal responsibility.

Furthermore, this concept of the personal individual has the meaning of biological individuality, which differs from every other individual (Grubitzsch, 1987, p.748).

"Personality" is the specific, organized structure of characteristics, properties, attitudes and competencies for a person, which is based on the biological makeup of the life-history of dealing with life tasks "(Hurrelmann, 1995, p.14).

The "personality" is a psychological term and the "identity" - originally a term of logic and philosophy - has its current meaning from the discussion introduced by American social psychology (Grubitzsch, op. Cit., P.474).

Identity is a structuring of individuals that is socially shaped in a specific way.

The personal development begins before birth and, like identity, is lifelong (Dorsch, 1992, p.478).

Personality development is the persistent and long-term change in personality traits over the course of history and in the course of life {Hurrelmann, 1995, p.14).

Both of these things happen in dealing with the social environment and the formation of identity is part of the developing personality.

The conditions for personality development are more strongly emphasized by social factors in sociological theories and more intensely by biological and organismic factors in psychological theories.

Therefore, efficient theories of socialization, writes HURRELMANN, should take into account the dual character of personality development as a society and at the same time as individuation (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.16).

The various most recent knowledge-guiding models and theories for personality development and socialization (the mechanical, organismic, systems-theoretical and interactive mode11) are oriented towards a better understanding of the reciprocity in the relationships between person and environment.

In the course of socialization research, various essential, knowledge-guiding models for personality development have emerged.

Hurrelmann has tried to briefly summarize the ideas that have dominated psychology and sociology over the past three decades.

The mechanical or functional model1:

In this model, the environment is assumed to be the cause of the person's behavior and the environment also determines the changes in behavior. Development impulses are brought to the person from the outside and behavioral reactions and changes are interpreted as counter-reactions of the person,

The personality development is then the result of the sum of these reactions or the adaptation to the norms and values ​​of the respective environment.

The organismic model1:

The development of the personality is here a natural process inherent in the person, which proceeds according to certain recognizable, generally applicable laws or rules and develops out of itself.

The environment can have a stimulating and inhibiting effect on the pace of development and the sequence, but the natural laws of the person are decisive.

The systemic model1:

The mutual adaptation and penetration of the person and the environment result in human development impulses, with the social and psychological system settling down to a more or less stable state of equilibrium, which is the prerequisite for the optimal development of personal needs and actions.

The interactive model:

The development of the social and material environment and that of humans are mutually dependent. Particular emphasis is placed on the human, autonomously capable subject, who can consciously reflect on its own situation and include it in its own course of action, choosing certain means to achieve certain goals and also considering the consequences {Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.22) .

Early sociological research on socialization excluded the "subjective factor" from its analyzes or viewed it only as a marginal variable "(Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.64).

Current research on socialization is based on the idea that personality development occurs in the process of dealing with "inner" and "outer" reality, with each individual possessing, employing and further developing the skills of appropriating, processing, coping with and changing reality.

Under realism as an analytical unit of society, all conditions of the material and social environment are captured outside the human organism.

Inner reality denotes the unit of analysis - the human organism - and this term is used to summarize the internal psychological process structures, the basic physical characteristics and the physiological structures and processes (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.71).

Current research on socialization turns against a passive, accepting impression of the individual either by societal structural or psychophysical factors.

The reciprocal relationship between subject and socially mediated reality is thus an interpendent connection between individual and social change and development (Hurrelmann, op. Cit., P.64).

The objective conditions of personality development lead to an individual examination of the inner and outer reality, which is determined by differentiated situational social and spatial environmental conditions.

These environmental conditions are constituted and structured by different social institutions (e.g. by the family) and by the economic, technological, political, social and cultural structure of a historical society.

For example, each family system has its own social rules and its own social dynamics.

The growing subject encounters the social systems that are accessible to its direct influence and this is where the first social orientations and intersubjectively shared lifeworld knowledge emerge (Hoffmann, 1997, p.125).

“The external conditions are a stimulating, demanding or inhibiting determinant of socialization.

They determine the direction and the course of individual development qualitatively and quantitatively, in a decisive and outstanding way "(ibid.)

It can be assumed that the variety and type of objective conditions, their course and their effects are different in each case, even if the external determinants of development are identical. However, one-off historical events also typify individual development processes (e.g. founding of the GDR and FRG).

So different individuals can go different differentiated development paths and their course depends on how the environment is perceived by the individual and processed internally with a respective psychological structure.

"The subject behaves actively, evasively, or selectively seeking and passively accepting reality towards reality", whereby acceptance or rejection of the environment have an influence on individual actions (Hoffmann, op. Cit., P.126).

The subject changes not only itself, but also its environment.

Berno Hoffmann has the concept of constructivism here.There are several concepts of identity by different authors, but they agree that identity assigns the individual a fixed, substantively defined place in a social system (Krappmann, 1993, p.84). ERIKSON has had a great influence on the dissemination of the concept of identity in sociological and psychoanalytic literature.

At ERIKSON, for example, some important elements of identity formation are named under the following aspects:

- the history of origin and identification with the family members.
- Habits that have been developed in the family of origin and which can be useful in further dealing with the environment.
- the special characteristics of an individual, his abilities, skills, temperament, character, innate and developed elements, his defense mechanisms and successful sublimations.
- the recognition and appreciation, self-affirmation by others
- Overcoming life crises as an opportunity for expansion of consciousness and new possibilities.

the ability to assert itself against externally determined expectations of action.

- Relationships with people, groups with whom one can identify and measure oneself.
- the satisfaction of basic and personal needs, the possibility of doing what one really wants subjectively (Erikson, 1997, p.123-152).

A developed identity concept is defined by GOFFMAN (1967):

The individual is assigned the social and personal identity of his interaction partners. Personal identity is understood to mean the uniqueness of an individual who has certain special characteristics, an unmistakable biography, that is, characteristics that allow an individual to be distinguished from all others, ie to be like no one else.

In GOFFMAN, social identity includes the attribution of certain predetermined properties that have the character of normative expectations. The individual is then required to submit to general expectations, to be like everyone else (Grubitzsch, 1987, p.475).

It is therefore necessary to deal with the personal and social identity of the individual in the face of different environmental expectations; the subjective reaction is expressed in acceptance or resistance and in self-esteem (subjectively perceptible I-identity).

HURRELMANN speaks of a state of self-experience that is constantly subject to new processes of interpretation and negotiation with the environment and one's own inner nature, and he states that the more recent interaction-theoretical concepts of identity are more focused on linguistic competencies and, in many cases, on emotional ones Have paid very little attention to dimensions of identity development (Hurrelmann, 1995, p.173 / 174).

Any identification with the environment is not only cognitive and linguistic-reflexive, but also. an emotional achievement.

Emotional attachment and identification are described equally in psychoanalytic and psychological theories (Oesterreich, 1996, p.120).

Hurrelmann believes that not only does the mastery of language ensure the ability to express needs in a communicative way, but should also be linked to other practical ways of expression and should form a unit (ibid.).

So it is not only sufficient language skills to be able to reconcile one's own needs and expectations.

The ego identity is therefore a balancing act between external expectations and one's own uniqueness.

At KRAPPMANN, however, this balancing ego identity is assumed to be in a world without a consensus of norms and thus such (democratic) relationships that leave room for subjective reinterpretation and reinterpretation of norms and individual behavior, but at the same time can also leave indissoluble discrepancies ( Krappmann, 1993, p.84).

In a dictatorship like the GDR, this balancing act would not have to be defined in this way or the course of identity development would then be different.

In the GDR, for example, it was expected that the individual had to subordinate himself to an ideology and to enforce it and to be like everyone else.

In ERIKSON's identity concept, KRAPPMANN points to a lack of strength to help shape the circumstances, which ultimately amounts to submission to the prevailing circumstances (Krappmann, op. Cit., P.92).

But where could the reasons lie for internalizing expectations for action more strongly?

I would call this a human survival strategy to escape the fear of being at the mercy of the environment when one is not yet able to maintain one's own inner resistance.

But what is necessary in order to develop one's own inner resistance?

The growing child needs the experience of being safe, not being left on his own and receiving support and help at all times. The psychoanalyst ERIKSON also describes this as "basic trust", which is determined by the quality of the bondage.

This first phase of socialization is also called sociabilization.

“The child's sense of trust in the mother is awakened by care that, with the sensitive satisfaction of the child's individual needs, also creates a strong feeling of its own trustworthiness within the reliable framework of the prevailing lifestyle.

This is where the basis of the Identita.tsgefti.hls is formed, which later becomes the complex feeling of "being in order", of being oneself and of becoming what the environment expects of one "(Erikson, 1997, p .73}.

ERIKSON also considers the self-confidence of the parents to be important: the inner emotional conviction in front of the child that what they are doing has a purpose and is right, a factor that strengthens the child's trust in the reliability of the world and at the same time provides orientation there (Erikson, op. cit., p.74).

ERIKSON names three components of mental health: the feeling of basic trust, the feeling of an autonomous will and the feeling of initiative.

ERIKSON describes the stage of autonomy development in the toddler as an ambivalence between the need for love and the reckless striving for independence, holding on and letting go, willingness and defiance, which should not be suppressed or ignored, but supported, as the first autonomous self-awareness (Erikson, aa0 ., P.78).

If this first self-awareness is forbidden by sanctions by the parents, then the trust in safety is consequently questioned.

In the case of coercion, the child will adapt to the expectations and demands of his parents out of fear of the lack of safety factors and not out of trust, and in the case of a lack of orientation he seeks borderline experiences through non-adaptation.

This will certainly play a role in the case of constant and excessive coercion and constant lack of orientation in which the child is overwhelmed with his own problem-solving strategies.

So in the long run the child could no longer feel its shorter distance from the expectations of action, to which it had to adapt due to the constantly expected sanctions, and let it become a self-image.

Scientific empirical evidence about this cannot be found.

Detlef Oesterreich goes into his book "Flucht in die Sicherheit" - in more detail on the authoritarian personality or on the authoritarian reaction and its environmental conditions, but due to the scope of my work I did not want to go into it in more detail.

KRAPPMANN describes “role distance”, “empathy”, ambiguity tolerance * and “representation of identity” as skills that require identity.

The concept of role distance was described by E. GOFFMAN and, as a prerequisite for the establishment and maintenance of identity, this distance means that the individual is able to behave in a reflective and interpretative manner towards norms.

In role distance, the role is played, but at the same time expressed that the personal self does not completely submit to the situational self (e.g. "making fun of yourself").

This also means, despite internalized norms, to distance oneself from external expectations and to think about or reflect on them oneself, so that e.g. prejudices have no influence on one's actions.

"It should take up the expectations of others and with their help represent its own intentions by showing the way in which it interprets these norms on the basis of its biography and its participation in other systems of interaction" (Krappmann, 1993, p.142) KRAPPMANN, the role distance is the prerequisite for the ability to accept and understand the expectations of the interaction partners.

This ability is called empathy.

When norms are internalized by examining the circumstances of actions, assessing consequences for others, and considering prohibited actions, it is possible for the individual to view interaction situations from different perspectives. Empathy involves integrating the expectations of others and one's own needs into an ego-identity that enables successful interaction and also making this clear when dealing with others (Krappmann, op. Cit., P.150).

Every interacting individual is forced to endure unsatisfied needs of their own in addition to being satisfied.

Contradictory role participations and conflicting motivational structures must be tolerated alongside one another in oneself and in others.

Spontaneity, changes and differences in one's own responses and those of the interaction partner to diverging expectations must be endured.

"The individual has the opportunity to try to change his structure of needs in accordance with the norms (turning against the self), not to respond to deviating needs that he perceives in himself (isolation) or to explain deviating needs as non-existent it contributes in a special way to the fulfillment of the norms (reaction formation) "

(Krappmann, op. Cit., P.160).

However, these defense mechanisms prevent individual needs from being brought into the interaction by articulating one's own identity.

Ambiguity tolerance is the ability to cope with these ambivalent situations and conflicts, i.e. to process them consciously, to modify them and not to suppress them and to consciously include them in one's own biography.

At the same time, the ambiguity tolerance is a result of successful assertion of the ego identity, because it gives the individual the experience of being able to keep the balance between the different norms and motives even in contradicting situations and thereby reducing fears (Krappmann, op. Cit., P.155 ).

Successful identity development therefore also means having the ability to maintain psychological stability and react appropriately in difficult life situations (e.g. when there is a sudden change in life or when there are strong external environmental demands).

"What degree of role distance and ambiguity tolerance is achieved and what degree of sophistication and complexity the competencies achieve is neither biologically, nor age-related, nor life-phase-specific, but is always determined by the social and material living conditions" (Hurrelmann, 1995, P.166).

An identity-demanding characteristic that should not be forgotten is the representation of identity.

An identity that the individual has not introduced into the interaction process is not effective for himself or for others {Krappmann, 1993, p.168}.

What is meant here is the representation of identity in which the personal ego identity is presented, asserted and defended to the others.


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