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Globalization and Political Economy of Poverty in India
Directory of tables
List of figures
2 Development-theoretical embedding and structure of the thesis
2.1 Embedding in development and technical theory
2.1.1 On the ideology of development and underdevelopment
2.1.2 The perspective of development in the present work
2.2 The structure of the work
2.2.1 The global system level
2.2.2 The national system level
2.2.3 The Tamil Nadu state level
2.2.4 The local system level: The fishing village of Nochikuppam
2.3 The theoretical embedding of the test results
3 The global system level: global economic structures in transition
3.1 The structural change in the world economy up to the 1980s: Shares and relationship structures in the world economy
3.1.1 The first great crisis of the Fordist model of accumulation
3.1.2 The global structural crisis of the present
3.2 From the international to the global economy
3.2.1 The dimension of global financial transactions
3.2.2 The global economic importance of transnational companies
3.2.3 Transnational corporations and economies - on the interests
3.3 The state and the economy
3.3.1 State and Economy: From Keynesianism to Monetarism
3.3.2 Supply-side economics in the USA (Reaganomics): The Practice of Monetarist Economic Policy
4 The integration of so-called developing countries into the global economic system
4.1 The indebtedness of the so-called developing countries
4.1.1 The conditionality of structural adjustment loans
4.1.2 Experience with structural adjustment programs in countries other than India
4.1.3 Structural adjustment and poverty in the so-called developing countries
4.2 The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
4.2.1 Exceptions and protective measures in the GATT
4.2.2 The Uruguay Round of GATT
4.2.3 The US between bilateral and multilateralism on trade issues
5 Economic development in India
5.1 The principles of order of the Indian economy
5.1.1 India » mixed economy «And the phase of the Self Reliance
5.1.2 India between the capitalist and socialist world
5.1.3 Summary: The phase of import-substituting economic policy
5.2 The systemic crisis phase: 1966-77
5.2.1 Restructuring of the social balance of power
5.2.2 The national state of emergency under Indira Gandhi
5.3 The Janata government from 1977-1979
5.4 The phase of beginning globalization: 1980-1991
5.4.1 The “New Economic Policy” in the 1980s
5.4.2 Economic policy under the Rajiv Gandhi government
5.4.3 Organizing an Indian peasant movement
5.5. The government of National Front
5.5.1 The economic policy under V.P. Singh
5.5.2 The collapse of political culture after 1989: mandal, mandir and power
5.6 The government of Chandra Shekhar (1990-91)
5.6.1 The economic policy of the Janata Dal (S) government
5.7 Summary: Development of Political Economy (1966-1991)
6 Structural adjustment in India
6.1 Structural adjustment and political economy
6.1.1 Concrete structural adjustment measures
6.2 "State classes", their clientele and structural adjustment
6.2.1 The privatization of Indian state-owned companies.
6.3 India and the GATT “Uruguay Round”
6.3.1 The results in the field of agriculture
6.3.2 The effects on the state food distribution system (PDS)
6.3.3 The regulation in the area of trade-related aspects of the protection of intellectual property
6.3.4 The results in the textile sector
6.3.5 The results of the trade-related investment measures (TRIMS)
6.3.6 The results in the area of trade in services
6.4 Summary: Economic challenges of the 1990s
7 The change in world fisheries and its impact on India.
7.1 The development of world fishing
7.2 Trade in fishery products
7.3 The fishing industry in India - an overview
7.3.1 Expansion opportunities in Indian marine fisheries
7.4 Aspects of the modernization of fisheries: a conflict-oriented view
7.4.1 Small fishermen versus trawlers: The Indo-Norwegian fisheries project in Kerala (INP)
7.4.2 Small fishermen contra Purse-seine: circled by trawlers and purseers
7.4.3 The effects of mechanization on small-scale fishermen
7.4.4 Small fishermen versus “big business” - the blessing of aquaculture.
7.5 Summary: Fisheries Development in India: Foreign Exchange vs Human Rights
8 State agricultural price and food distribution: That Public Distribution System in India
8.1 The beginning of state control policy over the distribution of food
8.1.1 The beginnings of Public Distribution Systems 1942/43
8.1.2 The PDS after independence
8.2 The goals of Indian agricultural policy and the PDS
8.3 Functionality and structure of the PDS
8.3.1 The price setting in PDS
8.3.2 The role of the federal states in PDS
8.4 The PDS in Tamil Nadu
8.5 Effects of PDS on poverty groups
8.6 That Public Distribution System in the 90s
8.6.1 The PDS and the Political Economy of India
9 The importance of social security systems
9.1 The system of Social security in the formal sector of India
9.1.1 The financing of the statutory social security system
9.1.2 Social Security and structural adjustment
9.2 Initiatives for Social security in the informal sector of Tamil Nadu
9.2.1 Old-age pensions for different groups of people
9.2.2 Further measures for Social security in the informal sector
9.3 An evaluation of the social protection programs in Tamil Nadu
9.3.1 Comparison of the informal versus the formal sector
9.3.2 Assessment based on the services provided
9.4 Problems with the feasibility of social protection programs
9.4.1 The financial viability of social protection measures in the informal sector
10 The Development of the Political System in Tamil Nadu
10.1 The emergence of a “Dravidian” nationalism
10.1.1 The Dravidian movement and the class question
10.1.2 The Strengthening of the Dravidian Parties in Tamil Nadu (1947-1967)
10.1.3 The DMK in power (1967-1977)
10.1.4 A brief outline of the party-political constellations after 1977
10.1.5 The rise of MGR and the decline of political culture in Tamil Nadu
10.2 Summary: Political Culture in Tamil Nadu
10.3 The political events during the field research
10.3.1 The DMK government under Karunanidhi (1989-1991)
10.3.2 Power politics versus constitutional principles: The removal of the DMK government in January 1991
10.3.3 The political culture in Tamil Nadu after the takeover
11 Life in a fishing village -Methodological considerations
12 Nochikuppam - A “fishing village” in the heart of Madras
12.1 The "story" of Nochikuppam
12.1.1 Christianization among the fishing population
12.1.2 The rivalries among the European colonial powers
12.1.3 Maritime Trade and Fisheries
12.2 The population of Nochikuppam
12.2.1 Integration of employment relationships
12.2.2 Employment and education
12.2.3 Employment in export companies
12.2.4 Fast Food Vendor
12.2.5 Government Employees
13 Natural spatial determinants for the small fishermen of Madras
14 The development of small-scale fisheries in Madras
14.1 Fishing vessels and fishing gear
14.1.1 The “traditional” small-scale fishing on the Coromandel coast before the introduction of synthetic fiber nets
14.2 The organization of work in "traditional" small-scale fishing
14.2.1 The division of the catch
14.3 The current state of fishing technology in the small-scale fisheries of Madras
14.3.1 Status and perspectives with regard to boat technology
14.3.2 Status and perspective of net technology in small-scale fisheries
14.4 Distribution of boats and nets in Nochikuppam
14.5 The current organization of work in small-scale fisheries
14.5.1 Gender-specific characteristics of work organization
14.6 Summary: The change in network technology and work organization.
14.7 Similarities and differences between agriculture and small-scale fishing
15 Analysis of catch results from May 1991 to August 1992
15.1 Financing of the boats that participated in the investigation
15.2 Financing the networks
15.3 Presentation of the results of the catch investigation Fishing trips
15.4 Distribution of the catches
15.4.1 Workforce and network deployment during the study period
15.4.2 Calculation of the average monthly income of a fisherman
15.5 Subsistence Income
15.6 Summary of the analysis of catch income
15.7 Income outside of fishing
15.7.1 Pension income in the households examined
16 Analysis of household expenditure from May 1991 to August 1992
16.1 Studies on the spending behavior of fishing households in Tamil Nadu
16.2 The structure of household expenditure in Nochikuppam
16.2.1 The expenses for food
16.2.2. The spending behavior for alcohol in Nochikuppam
16.2.3 The cost of clothing
16.2.4 Health expenses
16.2.5 Household expenditure on energy
16.2.6 Household expenses for transportation
16.2.7 Other household expenses
16.3 Comparison of household expenditure and income
17 Self-help and state intervention
17.1 The informal credit sector in small-scale fishing
17.1.1 The repayment of loans during the study period
17.1.3 The Moneylending Institution
17.2 The saving behavior of small-scale fishermen
18.2.1 Collective savings and credit institutions (Chit funds)
17.2.2 Chit Funds in Nochikuppam
17.2.3 Saving by investing in tangible assets
17.2.4 Moneylending as a means of saving
17.2.5 The village treasury in Nochikuppam
17.2.6 Development of savings reserves during the study period
17.3 State intervention in social areas
17.3.1 The Public Distribution System in Nochikuppam
17.3.2 State programs for small-scale fishermen and other professional groups
18 The change in the political structure of Nochikuppam
18.1 A temple dispute as an expression of village disintegration
18.2 A "land conflict" as an expression of political diversification
18.2.1 A "land sale" in Nochinagar
18.3 The importance of the "middleman" in village life
18.4 Summary: The change in the political structure of Nochikuppam
19 Life in a fishing village from the perspective of the people themselves
19.1 The perception of one's own life situation
19.1.1 The quantitative dimension
19.1.2 Reasons for an improvement in the living situation
19.1.3 Reasons for Deterioration
19.2 Satisfaction with one's own work
20 Summary and theoretical embedding
20.1 Food Insecurity and Social Vulnerability: A Conceptual Framework
20.2 Analytical assignment of the test results
20.2.1 Political-economic area
20.2.2 The area of disposition
20.2.3 The human ecological approach
India is currently experiencing the most serious economic transformation process since independence. Liberalization, export orientation and globalization are the buzzwords that the country's economic elite has written on their flags. Foreign companies see the 300 million-strong middle class as a market of the future.
Today, six years after the start of the structural adjustment policy supported by the IMF and World Bank, the country's economic, political and social problems have not diminished. Between 1990 and 1992 alone, the proportion of Indians living below the poverty line rose from 35.5 to 40.7 percent, according to the state statistics authority. 57 million people are hidden behind these five percentage points. The Congress Party, which began with the liberalization of the economy after its election victory in June 1991, sees itself more and more on the defensive because the economic and social recovery process it promised has not yet materialized. In several elections to state parliaments, parties have now prevailed that successfully addressed the political deficits felt by many voters with populist measures such as the heavy subsidization of basic foodstuffs.
Not only then did it become clear that food has a political dimension. Policies can cause people to lose access to adequate food supplies. On the other hand, insufficient food supply can also lead to the overthrow of governments.
The field research for the present work took place at a time when India was in a serious economic and political crisis. The 18 months in which the author conducted his surveys in a fishing settlement in the southern Indian metropolis of Madras was characterized by a very high rate of inflation, especially for staple foods, by Indian standards. No other topic was raised more often by the people than the constantly rising food prices and their daily concern about the food security of their families. The present work deals with the questions raised by these people. She is mainly concerned with the question of how food prices could soar so, although - the newspapers kept reporting about it - the country's food production was higher than ever before. She tries to illuminate these problems from the perspective of political economy, i.e. with a view to the power structures existing in Indian society, which are also influenced exogenously. In this sense, she deals with the entanglements and connections between poverty and Wealth on different levels.
The research stay on which the present work is based took place between November 1990 and May 1992 and was made possible by a grant from the German Academic Exchange Service and the Indian government, for whose financial support I would like to thank you very much. After my return from India, the support was continued by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, to which I would also like to thank.
In India, my special thanks go to my supervisor, Dr. K. Rajaratnam and the staff of the headed by him Center for the Research of New International Economic Order, in which I was welcomed with a great deal of friendliness. Instead of many, Dr. P.J. Called Sanjeeva Raj, whose detailed knowledge of the Tamil Nadu marine ecosystem was of great help to me.
I would also like to thank the employees of the Bay of Bengal Program for Small - Scale Fisheries Development in Madras for their valuable support. Ms. Cathrine Joseph should be mentioned here in particular, who was extremely helpful in my literature research.
I am also indebted to Dr. S. Subbiah from the Department of Geography at the University of Madras, where I always found a patient and competent interlocutor. Through his contacts, he opened so many doors to state authorities for me that would otherwise have remained closed.
I also owe my sincere thanks to Mr. James Melchior, Director of the Indian Cultural Development Centers, with whom I have long-standing friendship beyond the scientific framework.
When collecting my data, I particularly liked Mrs. P. Padmini, Mrs. S. Shanti, Mrs. P. Nithya, Mr. K. Ramesh, Mr. K. Gunasekar, Mr. B. Nagarajan, Mr. K. Ravi, Mr. P. Kamaraj, Mr. P Sivakumar and Mr. R. Murali are on hand to help. In a very special way I would like to thank Dr. V.M. Ramesh, who patiently accompanied the research in all phases and, through his special empathy, made it easier for me to access the people in Nochikuppam. In Nochikuppam itself I was often the guest of Dr. B. Subramanian and his family, who gave me invaluable insights into community affairs.
The residents of Nochikuppam cannot go unmentioned. Without their open-mindedness and patient cooperation, the field study could not have been carried out. I hope that the present work will give interested readers an insight into their life, in which they have so kindly allowed me to participate. I would like to express my thanks to you with great solidarity.
In Germany I would like to give my doctoral supervisor Prof. Dr. H.-G. Thank you very much Bohle, through whom my scientific work received decisive suggestions. I found it particularly pleasant that, on the one hand, he confidently let me go, but on the other hand was always at my side with advice and action when the circumstances required it.
I also received important substantive impulses and constructive help from Mr. Rainer Kruse von bread for the World (Stuttgart), who has been dealing with problems of the Indian fisheries development for many years. My thanks go to him in amicable friendship.
Special thanks are also due to Ms. Ina Schneider, who not only carried out the survey of the women from Nochikuppam, but also typed a large part of the flood of data into the computer. Without their active cooperation, the investigation in the present form would not have been possible.
Special thanks go to my dearly beloved wife Susanne van Dillen, to whom I dedicate this work. Like no one else, she supported me critically and constructively in preparing the content of the manuscript and, together with Mr. Dieter Wollbrink - we would like to thank him very much at this point - took over large parts of the linguistic and formal revision of the manuscript. However, I am solely responsible for any weaknesses and remaining errors.
Directory of tables
Tab. 1: Experience with structural adjustment programs in selected countries
Table 2: Employment in the formal sector and industrial production
Tab. 3: The world's largest fishing nations (1938, 1970 and 1993)
Tab. 4: The ten largest export countries of fishery products (1992)
Tab. 5: The ten largest importing countries of fishery products (1992)
Tab. 6: Development of Indian fisheries exports (1960-1992)
Tab. 7: Export earnings for fishery products
Tab. 8 Catches and estimated potential by sea depth and coastline (in '000 tons)
Tab. 9: Development potential for aquaculture in India (in '000 ha)
Tab. 10: Development of procurement and issue price (1982/83 - 1994/95)
Tab. 11: Fair Price Shops in the Indian states (1990)
Tab. 12: Development of issue price and consumer prices for food in the fair price shops
Tab. 13: Food and kerosene prices in the FPS from Tamil Nadu (1993)
Tab. 14: The most important laws for Social security in the formal sector
Tab. 15: Pension programs in the various federal states (1988)
Tab. 16: Development of the number of participants in various pension programs in Tamil Nadu
Tab. 17: Distribution of pension recipients by district (1990)
Table 18: Social security programs for the informal sector in Tamil Nadu
Tab. 19: Direct income transfers in the Tamil Nadu budget (1990-1993)
Tab. 20: Pension payments by the Tamil Nadu government to its employees
Tab. 21: Increase in the cost-of-living allowance (Dearness Allowance) for pensions (1991-93)
Tab. 22: Number and proportions of the workforce in Tamil Nadu by sector (1991)
Tab. 23: Estimates of the financial volume of a Fish Workers Welfare Funds
Tab. 24: Development of rice prices in the Fair Price Shops Tamil Nadus
Tab. 25: The increase in bus fares in October 1991
Tab. 26: Increase in electricity tariffs in September 1991 and March 1993
Tab. 27: Composition of Nochikuppam's households by caste or religious group
Tab. 28: Population by caste group and gender
Tab. 29: Age at marriage by gender and age group
Tab. 30: Formal level of education by caste and gender
Table 31: People without any school education by age, caste and gender
Tab. 32: People with higher educational qualifications (at least 11th grade completed)
Tab. 33: Employment by gender and caste affiliation
Tab. 34: Individual employment and employment of the head of the household
Tab. 35: Individual employment and employment of the head of the household
Tab. 36: Formal education according to individual occupational groups (fisherman caste)
Tab. 37: Formal education according to individual occupational groups (other boxes)
Tab. 38: Women workers for export companies: age and marital status
Tab. 39: Employment in the state sector
Tab. 40: Distribution of catches between boat and net owner (assumed catch value 1000 Rs)
Tab. 41: Characteristics of the most important gill networks in Nochikuppam
Tab. 42: Distribution of net types among fishermen's households
Tab. 43: Financing of the kattumarame of the investigated fishing teams
Tab. 44: Financing of the networks of the investigated fishing teams
Tab. 45: Fishing trips during the investigation period
Tab. 46: Value of the marketed catch by net type and fishing team (in Rs)
Tab. 47: Average catch value by net type (in Rs)
Table 48: Breakdown of the catch results according to net type and value groups
Tab. 49: Catch results by net type and month
Tab. 50: Catch results between November 27 and December 10, 1991 (in Rs)
Tab. 51: Catch results according to the number of nets and workers used (in Rs)
Tab. 52: Distribution of catches according to owners of means of production and workers
Tab. 53: Average income per fishing trip (in Rs)
Tab. 54: Share of catches made by fishermen with an above-average number of trips
Tab. 55: Average monthly income from marketing and subsistence share
Tab. 56: Employment in the households examined
Tab. 57: Composition of earned income of the households examined
Tab. 58: Total income determined for the households examined (in Rs)
Tab. 59: Income according to the number of different types of income
Tab. 60: Expenditure structure of fishing households in Tamil Nadu (figures in%)
Tab. 61: Expenditure structure of the households examined
Tab. 62: Frequency and amount of expenditure on health (fisherman households)
Tab. 63: Frequency and amount of health expenditure (fishery workers' households)
Tab. 64: Frequency and amount of expenditure on transport (fishing households)
Tab. 65: Frequency and amount of expenses for transport (fishery workers' households)
Tab. 66: Household income and expenditure
Tab. 67: Surplus or deficit due to different types of income
Tab. 68: Frequency and amount of loan repayments (fishery workers' households)
Tab. 69: Frequency and amount of loan repayments (fishing households)
Tab. 70: Use of the repaid loans
Tab. 71: Loans by different sources
Tab. 72: Frequency and amount of savings reserves (fishing households)
Tab. 73: Frequency and amount of savings reserves (fishery workers' households)
Tab. 74: Total expenditure on food and food purchases in Ration shop
Tab. 75: Cost and value of the rations
Tab. 76: Ownership of Ration cards in Nochikuppam
Tab. 77: "Alternative" purpose of the ration cards
Tab. 78: Criticism of the Ration shops
Tab. 79: Number of known programs in the social and economic area
Table 80: Type of known programs in the social and economic area
Tab. 81: Participation and evaluation of the savings program
Tab. 82: Accident insurance for fishermen
Tab. 83: Bribery sums for accident insurance
Tab. 84: Information on "land sales" according to districts
Tab. 85: Information on payments in connection with the "land sale"
Tab. 86: Reasons for disputes in Nochikuppam
Tab. 87: Subjective assessment of the living situation
Tab. 88: Living situation according to age and educational attainment
Tab. 89: Living situation and employability
Tab. 90: Reasons for improving the living situation
Tab. 91: Reasons for the deterioration in the living situation
Tab. 92: Difference in age at marriage
Tab. 93: Job mobility in Nochikuppam
List of figures
Fig. 1: Development of a devaluation cycle
Fig. 2: Advertisement in "THE HINDU" 3.11.1991
Fig. 3: The organization of the Public Distribution Systems in India
Fig. 4: Development of vegetable prices between 25.01. and 02/09/1991
Fig. 5: Development of vegetable prices between May 20th. and 06/05/1991
Fig. 6: Development of vegetable prices from December 7th, 1991 to January 5th, 1992
Fig. 7: Population by age, gender and employment status
Fig. 8: Annual change in wind resistance on the Coromandel coast
Fig. 9: Number of cyclones that passed Madras (1877 - 1980)
Fig. 10: Construction scheme of a Kattumaram
Fig. 11: Mada Valai (lifting net) catching a kambi
Fig. 12: a Thuri Valai (Trawl) in action
Fig. 13: How a gill network works
Fig. 14: Number of days without fishing trips
Fig. 15: Development of the cost of living in selected groups
Fig. 16: The development of total household expenditure
Fig. 17: Development of expenditure on food (fishing households)
Fig. 18: Development of expenditure on food (fishery workers' households)
Fig. 19: Development of expenditure on cigarettes and alcohol
Fig. 20: Development of expenditure on clothing
Fig. 21: Development of expenditure on health
Fig. 22: Development of expenditure on energy
Fig. 23: Development of household expenditure on transport
Fig. 24: Development of loan repayments
Fig. 25: How a Chit Funds (Example)
Fig. 26: Development of savings reserves in Chit Funds
When reports of starvation deaths in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh found their way into the national press on the front pages of local daily newspapers in December 1991, it became clear that, despite notable advances in food production since the late 1960s, the danger of famine in India is still not complete could be banned (Nagaraj et al. 1991d: 58). Food security for the Indian population is far from being achieved (Griffin 1987: 19).
Nothing unusual in itself in a country like India, where famine has been a social reality for centuries. Nothing unusual in a country that, despite all the technical improvements in its agriculture, is still dependent on the whims of the monsoons, the absence of which can mean that setbacks in food production can never be completely ruled out.
Nothing out of the ordinary, then? Maybe yes. Because if you analyze the problem of undernourishment or malnutrition in India, contradictions soon emerge that don't really fit into the well-known scheme of hunger as an expression of a production crisis.
At the same time as the reports of starvation in Andhra Pradesh, the Indian press reported on the third record harvest in a row; nevertheless, this year the prices for food rose faster than for other products. It is also noteworthy that there was no larger export increase for any product than for rice. It may also be surprising that the victims were not to be mourned in the dry and (agrar) economically underdeveloped areas of Andhra Pradesh, but in the fertile and agriculturally highly developed deltas of the Godavari and Krishna rivers. And it is also noticeable that the victims belonged exclusively to a single professional group, namely that of hand weavers.
The causes of this tragedy are quickly listed. Cotton yarn, the raw material for weavers, was more often exported abroad by manufacturers instead of meeting domestic demand. The powerful spinning lobby was able to enforce the relaxation of export restrictions on cotton yarns with the Indian government. As a result, the export volume for these products almost tripled between 1987 and 1990. As early as the end of the 80s, raw material prices had risen dramatically for the weavers as a result. For simple cotton yarn, the price rose by more than 260 percent between 1985 and the summer of 1991. At such prices, the weavers could no longer operate profitably, especially since the market was flooded with cheaper products from industrial production (Nagaraj et al. 1991c: 56). At the same time, the cost of living in India rose sharply, especially in the basic food sector.
The situation of the weavers turned into a famine when, at the beginning of July 1991, the Indian government - as the first measure of its new economic policy "recommended" by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank - decided to devalue the Indian rupee by almost 20 percent and at the same time completely abolished export restrictions on cotton yarn . In a short time, the flow of goods for these products shifted further to the export market, the domestic supply was further reduced, and the production costs for the weavers soared again. Previously, the weavers had been more poorly able to support themselves and their families with a meager monthly income of around 600 rupees, but the remaining 300 rupees, which now flowed into the household coffers over the course of a month, were nowhere near enough to even do it to buy the most important things of (survival) life (Venkateswara Rao 1992: 82).
The fact that the measures to promote exports could have disastrous effects on the hand weavers had deeper causes. In them the social position of the weavers is expressed, who even before could hardly earn enough through their work than they needed to live. The escalation of events in the summer of 1991 must therefore be viewed as the preliminary “climax” of a development. The competition from the industrial mass production of textiles, changed consumer demand habits, but also the position of hand weavers in the caste system are important such deeper causes. But there is also the fact that - after looking through the various reports on these events1 - not all hand weavers from the region were equally affected.2
From this perspective, hunger does not turn out to be a failure of the production system in the food sector, but rather a far more complex, social phenomenon.
"First of all, a crisis of this nature clearly has a long-term basis, closely related to the socio-economic relations which characterize the weaving community and also to long-term developmental policies pursued by the Government. These policies, shorn of official socialist rhetoric, essentially rely on a strategy of taxing the poor and pampering the rich. Secondly, such a crisis can be triggered by certain immediate developments which push a vulnerable community below the threshold of survival "(Frontline, December 6, 1991: 52f.).
Hunger can therefore not be explained by the backwardness of the agricultural sector, but by the interaction between production, distribution and consumption of food as well as the framework conditions under which these areas change. These framework conditions are increasingly being set outside the local level; they extend to the decision-making bodies of multinational institutions.
These framework conditions take effect on different social and quasi-spatial levels. Starting at the global system level, via the national level, they extend to the local level and act there as a structural distribution crisis. Even if acute hunger crises in India today can be limited both in terms of time and space, undernourishment and malnutrition is by no means an economic problem that can be solved by government intervention helping to bridge the food shortage. Such a view is opposed to the experience that distribution crises usually affect very specific social groups, which still have to suffer from hunger and malnutrition even when the actual distribution crisis seems to have been resolved - be it through state intervention or market forces.3 However, economic factors exacerbate existing social imbalances considerably.
Wrong development (in its most obvious form as hunger) in India is therefore understood by the author as the result of the interaction between market, politics (state) and civil society, in which the term "power"1 has a decisive explanatory function.
The present work does not deal with a specific hunger situation, but rather with the framework conditions that lead to a latent susceptibility to crises. The assumptions on which this is based are that changes in the global economic system affect different levels of a nation-state, encounter endogenous structures there and interact with them. This creates a completely new state that can only be explained by the mixture of exogenous and endogenous factors.
These changes at all levels are not accidental, but are subject to certain interests that should be uncovered in the course of this work. Under this premise, therefore, “market” cannot be understood as an apolitical category that is based on its own regularities (Invisible hand) functions, but rather as a principle in which social power structures are expressed and consolidated or changed (Kurien 1992: 246; cf. also Griffin 1987).
The present work deals with structures and interactions of various kinds: on the one hand with a vertical network of relationships (global <==> national <==> federal <==> local), on the other hand with a horizontal one (market <== > State <==> competing groups in civil society).
By far not all relevant interactions can be shown and analyzed. Rather, the focus should be on certain areas that appear to be particularly relevant.
This focus arises from very different motivations. A survey carried out between May 1991 and May 1992 as part of field research on the present work in a fishing settlement in the southern Indian metropolis of Madras had shown that rising prices, low incomes, internal village conflicts as lack of work alternatives were perceived by the interviewed people as the most pressing problems. Based on these problem descriptions, the causes of these deficits should therefore be investigated.
At the same time, this work also refers to the discussion about development and economic strategies. Since the beginning of the 80s more and more nations of the south fell into a "debt trap" and as a result their often domestically oriented economies had to open more and more to the world market. globalization “, „ liberalization “, „ catching up industrialization " last but not least " Denationalization of the economic spheres “More and more this discussion. For this reason, it makes sense to examine the consequences of such measures in more detail, both in terms of their concrete effects on the lives of the people in the fishing village examined and on Indian society as a whole.
The following aspects will therefore form the focus of this work:
a. the development of the Indian fishing industry and its impact on the development dynamics in the country's small-scale fisheries. This focus results not least from the choice of the community to be investigated in Madras. An attempt was therefore made to trace the production conditions in small-scale fisheries and their changes using this fishing settlement as an example and to relate them to the socio-economic and political dynamics of this urban settlement. The scope of action of different groups in the production process is worked out from the synthesis of different ways of looking at the village economy, society and politics. In terms of development policy, it is also of interest how living conditions have changed in an economic sector that has been linked to the world market for a very long time and very intensively. Certain products from the fishery are not subject to any quantitative and barely tariff access restrictions to the markets of the industrialized nations, and they fetch very high prices there. Both have contributed to India's fisheries sector being viewed as an important "source of foreign currency" for the country. It must therefore be asked whether, on the basis of developments in the fisheries sector, conclusions can be drawn about other sectors of the economy in which the current trend towards more intensive coupling with the world market is unmistakable. This applies in particular to the agricultural sector, which - not least because of the difficult foreign exchange situation in India - is becoming increasingly important in Indian foreign trade.1 Changes in this regard in non-agricultural sectors must not be disregarded, as the example of the weavers in Andhra Pradesh mentioned at the beginning illustrates.
b. the food distribution system of India as such, i.e. the interactions between state distribution policy and the "free" market in the food sector and their effects on the supply of certain social groups. The effects themselves are problematized on the basis of empirical data, but the relevant dynamics can only be understood from the interactions of other social groups and sub-groups. These include the various groups of agricultural production (agricultural workers, subsistence and market-oriented farmers), the various consumer groups (rural / urban poverty groups, middle classes and elites), as well as those groups that are responsible for the distribution of food and other basic products.
c. the processes and structures of the Indian labor market as an important area of social development. Here the question will have to be asked about the conditions under which people outside the fisheries sector can find employment in order to reduce the existing pressure on resources and enable the remaining fishermen to have a secure existence.
d. the motivation, measures and effects of state intervention in the area of social and economic protection of socially vulnerable groups.
The approach itself is that of political economy, i.e. an attempt will be made to work out certain power constellations in their effects on the problem areas outlined above. It will be inevitable to venture into areas that at first glance have little to do with the specific issues. Ultimately, however, they prove to be indispensable when it comes to understanding the dynamics and structures that contribute to the perpetuation of poverty and the emergence of societal vulnerability.
2 Development-theoretical embedding and structure of the thesis
2.1 Embedding in development and technical theory
Geographical preoccupation with so-called developing countries has experienced a major shift in emphasis over the past 25 years. This change of direction is due not least to the discussion of development theories, which was initially conducted outside of geography (Leng 1979: 21). Without wanting to understand this discussion in detail (cf. uv Bohnet (ed.) 1971; Menzel 1993, Hurtienne 1984, Nohlen / Nuscheler (ed.) 1974, 1982, 1992) it remains to be stated that it has been since the beginning / middle of the 1970s also had a very strong impact on geography and led to a paradigm shift there: the self-image, the research focus and methods have changed fundamentally as a result.
This reorientation had profound consequences, especially in social geography. Got it Geographical Research in Developing Countrieswhich was practiced before 1970, still explicitly as spatial science, now there was a turn to the social sciences (Blenck 1979).
The representatives of Geographical Research in Developing Countries often went to that in their work Regional geographic scheme before (Stewig (Ed.) 1979; Wardenga 1987; Wirth 1978). The efforts of the scientist consisted in depicting a certain country in its individuality (natural environment, cultural, economic, social framework conditions) and, if necessary, analyzing it. If aspects of “underdevelopment” were problematized at all, this mostly happened in the tradition of Modernization theories, who considered the reasons for "underdevelopment" to be caused internally, i.e. by the natural environment and the cultural, economic, social and natural framework conditions of a particular country (Blenck 1979).
In that regard, it was the Geographical development research The task was not to put the space (i.e. the individual “developing country” or parts of it) at the center of the consideration, but now increasingly processes and structures were investigated that the phenomenon of development from the manifold interdependencies between industrialized and developing countries tried to explain. This approach also included the analysis of the historical genesis of the capitalist world system and its impact on the colonies and the nations that have now become independent (Leng / Taubmann (ed.) 1988).
“Since the process of development is viewed as indivisible, geographic development research is equally interested in development processes in developing countries as in industrialized countries, but especially in their interdependencies. It is thus closer to the theory of dependence, the theory of peripheral capitalism, than ideas of modernization theory ”(Blenck et al .. 1985: 69; cf. Blenck 1979: 15).
Since the beginning of the 1980s, however, the theories of dependency have themselves been subjected to severe criticism. Their one-sided focus on external explanatory factors for the emergence of “underdevelopment” had led to internal factors being almost completely disregarded. The national elites of the so-called developing countries were often degraded to mere “puppets” of the industrialized nations, who were denied independent interests and independent action and thus also personal responsibility (cf. critically: Schmidt-Wulffen 1987: 131; Menzel 1991: 22). Too little attention was paid to the fact that the realities, which vary from developing country to developing country (both in terms of historical, socio-economic, cultural and natural spatial conditions) are far too diverse for it to be possible to apply a general “theory of underdevelopment” design.
So it is no coincidence that the " End of development theories "At about the same time as the" End of the Third World “Is established (Menzel 1983, 1991). This fact is bluntly expressed in the more recent development theory publications (Altvater 1989; Hirschmann 1989; Marmora / Messner 1989; Wallerstein 1988; Boeckh 1985, 1992); the general perception is that developmental theories are by no means in crisis, but are simply declared dead and cannot be revived.
Obviously, the failure of the global theories was caused by two main reasons: the success of the young East Asian emerging economies, which today are the prime example of proponents of "catching up industrialization", broke the neck of the dependency theories because it was achieved with an economic policy that, according to the assumptions of the Dependencia should have led straight into the development catastrophe. The Latin American states, whose economic decline had already led to the emergence of the theories of dependency, still offer themselves for the failure of the modernization theories. Since the mid-1980s at the latest, however, it has also been the United States itself that has shown that the concept of modernization has not irrevocably brought about the prosperity for all, which a few decades ago was still regarded as the “goal and end point” of development (Boeckh 1992 : 115).
Geographical development research has not been spared this “failure of the great theories” (Menzel 1992), as it was oriented towards the development of theory that was advanced outside its field. In the geographical disciplines, too, there are currently no theories that can be viewed in a broader sense as “theories of underdevelopment”.
There are certain approaches that take sub-areas of the phenomenon of "underdevelopment" as the object of scientific consideration, such as the interdependence approach, which has its roots in the discussion of production methods1 has the concepts of sustainable development2 (sustainable development) and on resource management as well as the approaches of an extended agricultural geography,3 who, among other things, deal with food systems and explain food crises4 move to the center of the investigation.
So if we have to state today that there is no valid (overall) theory to explain underdevelopment, this does not have to mean automatically that the previous theories and approaches did not also contain “sparks of truth”. A There can no longer be a “new” theory, but at most a multitude of theories that can neither claim globality nor limit themselves one-sidedly to internal or external explanatory factors of underdevelopment, and which see development much more broadly than economic growth. The requirement that meets a comprehensive consideration of development processes,
"Lies in the combination of homemade and" exogenous "[...] factors that have to be mixed differently for each individual case. [...] Underdevelopment is a complex state and process that cannot be captured with handy formulas. Monocausal explanations that attribute the disease state of underdevelopment to individual causes - be it colonialism, the world market or the attitudes and behavior of the "underdeveloped" - produce at best simplifying half-truths. Such half-truths are seductive because they are easier to handle than laborious efforts to get the whole problem of underdevelopment under control. "(Nuscheler 1991: 92ff)
2.1.1 On the ideology of development and underdevelopment
Many of the approaches and theories that have tried to explain the origins of development or underdevelopment are difficult to combine. Not because integration would not be desirable or not possible, but because ideological perspectives have always understood excellently to juxtapose these different approaches (cf. Kostner 1993: 348).
It cannot be denied that the formulation of development theories never took place in an ideologically free space. Development theories were always about "socio-political drafts" (Boeckh 1992: 115), which are always clearly from the East-West conflict, that is, they were shaped by the ideological struggle between capitalism and socialism. With the end of the East-West conflict, this ideological struggle over the concept and path of development also ended, but not the ideological consideration of development and underdevelopment themselves. So the question must be asked whether it has actually become possible in the current situation now to deal with the problems of development and underdevelopment free of ideology, or whether the disappearance of this bipolarity has not led to the fact that the “winner” in the ideological struggle also claims for himself to set the norms for what development is and how it is can be reached (see Klingebiel 1993: 437f; Kostner 1993: 352f).
The boom in monetarist economic concepts, as they are expressed in the structural adjustment programs of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, is clear evidence that attempts are being made to promote modernization in the traditional tradition, and at the same time it is hoped that this will also affect the low-income population, at least in the long term Groups will percolate. The basic understanding of development / underdevelopment takes place again in dualistic perspectives, i.e. again it is misunderstood that development can and will produce underdevelopment at the same time. In contrast to the “old” theories of modernization, however, the role assigned to the state in the development process has changed completely. While under the "old" modernization theories it was still regarded as the initiator of modernization, today it is often seen as the main cause of underdevelopment and therefore more as a "brake" than a "motor" of modernization.
2.1.2 The perspective of development in the present work
The conception of the present work shows that an exclusively “national” approach to development processes does not make sense, but that changes must be considered on many levels. But the perspective is clear. It examines how structures and processes that are effective at different levels affect people's lives. This takes into account the fact that economy and society do not represent an end in themselves, but must be placed in relation to people and their fates.
The actual perspective of the investigation is therefore a local one, i.e. the people in the investigated fishing village are the focus of the consideration, even if processes that take place far away from them have to be addressed.
This statement is central to the research interest of this work. It cannot be a question of examining the "development" of economies or regions, but rather the focus of the investigation must be on people. This is not to exclude the possibility that there are positive relationships between the improvement of indicators at the macro level and the situation at the micro level, but such a change in the same direction is not regarded as inevitable. Even if a “healthy” economy is a necessary foundation for “development”, improving macroeconomic indicators is not enough to diagnose “development”.
"We must realize that food stocks with the government is not something which the people eat, the savings rate is not something which you wear and one cannot sleep under the roof of foreign exchange. These are just the instruments, which have to be translated to basic needs. That did not happen in India. This is a puzzle not only about the Indian performance but in what it says about economic theory and development economics "(Basu 1990: 108).
Whether "development"1 can actually take place depends not least on the distribution of power at different levels of the system: the distribution of power between different interest groups in the industrialized nations, between the industrialized nations and the developing countries, and the distribution of power in the developing countries themselves, both on the national and subordinate levels Levels.
With the outlined, very broad selection of the research framework, the requirement to take into account both possible internal and external causes of underdevelopment in the investigation was taken into account. For several reasons, however, it is not possible in the present study to treat all levels of analysis equally. If structures starting from the International Monetary Fund up to the distribution of power in a fishing village are examined, then it is inevitable that the analysis of the individual components inevitably takes a back seat in favor of the analysis of the interactions between these individual components.
Likewise, one will miss the historical depth dimension that many dependency theory studies still showed. The analytical timeframe of the work seldom goes back to the colonial times of India, and the focus of the investigation does not even go back to the years before 1980.
Many readers may now, and rightly so, argue that underdevelopment in India is not just a problem for the past decade, and that work aimed at contributing to a better understanding of the genesis of underdevelopment does not ignore this historical dimension may. Even if it has already been noted that the theories of dependence are in a crisis, it is certainly legitimate to still refer to the results of this discipline, which are not uncontested, but to which the author feels connected, and which explain the causes of the Have adequately analyzed the historical dimension of underdevelopment in India (cf. uv Dutt 1960; Naoroji 1901; Ranade 1983; Keller 1977). The dilemma of the theories of dependency is not superficially that they have not provided us with brilliant analyzes of the origin of underdevelopment through the colonial deformation of societies, but that they have shown themselves to be incapable of understanding the economic and political differentiation of the countries of the Third World the recent past can be adequately explained (cf. Menzel 1983; 1991). Adding a further analysis of the historical genesis of underdevelopment here would certainly not produce any further insights, but merely trace the controversial discussion.
The analysis grid will also have to be significantly refined from the global to the local level. This is by no means intended to anticipate the special importance of the local level, but rather to take into account the fact that knowledge of global and national structures is usually much more well-founded than knowledge of local / regional structures and interdependencies.
2.2 The structure of the work
Not only in countries of the Third and Fourth World can it be determined how different levels of a state structure mutually influence one another and are impaired by international developments. Such structures and processes can also be constantly observed in the industrialized nations. In the newspapers we read about budget deficits, the government's austerity plans, rationalization, downsizing and unemployment; we notice that health and nursing services are becoming more and more expensive and that the sickness funds are passing an ever greater share of the costs on to the insured. Much has also been said about the international competitiveness of the local economy, which must be preserved. We perceive that French farmers destroy imported food, that interest groups wrestle with tenacious breath over every comma, e.g. in collective bargaining; we register how the federal government, state governments and local authorities are fighting over the financing of certain tasks.
Much of it will come across again and again when reading this work, but even if some structures and processes may appear similar, we should not forget that the consequences of these processes in the industrialized nations do not (yet?) With those in India and others Developing countries may be equated.
Cuts into the social network, for example, are only possible where such a network had previously been established to a significant extent. However, it should make you think when, in connection with this development in the industrialized nations, the catchphrase “dualization of society” is used more and more frequently. What is meant by this is that unemployment and social cuts have in the meantime assumed such dimensions that one must speak of a “new poverty”, which in some cases threatens not only the social existence of members of society but also their physical existence. With the headline “More and more Germans have to live in poverty”, the Badische Zeitung reported on its front page on July 15, 1994 that in 1992 7.5 percent of West German and 14.8 percent of East German households had to get by on an income below the poverty line and comments:
“The gap between rich and poor is widening almost silently. [...] Nothing drastic has yet been done to combat increasing poverty and homelessness. [...] None of the political parties is ready to stand up for the poor. Because in the two-thirds society, the lower third is not only materially disadvantaged. It also has no political voice, no chance to articulate interests, let alone assert them. Those who lose their jobs and homes also lose political weight. Who cares if welfare recipients go on strike? ”(Badische Zeitung, July 15, 1994).
2.2.1 The global system level
Without a doubt, all the nations of the world today are an integral part of a capitalist world system in which the individual nations are subject to the system-immanent logic of capital accumulation (Frank / Frank 1990: 7). The existence of such a system cannot be denied, but the importance of this system for its subsystems has been and is controversially discussed.
Authors such as Wallerstein and Frank interpret capitalism as a “world system” of monopoly-shaped, asymmetrically structured exchange relationships that have the effect of skimming off the surplus product achieved in the peripheral countries and transferring it to the imperialist centers (Matis / Stiefel 1991: 228). Such a view, however, has precisely those weak points that were cited in the criticism of the dependency theories, because ultimately such an understanding of a capitalist “world system” does not prove to be able to adequately explain the dynamics of this system. At the same time it must be stated that in the sub-systems of the “world system” polarizing tendencies come into play.
Two reports that appeared in various German daily newspapers on January 25, 1994 illustrate this trend. In the first, the reader learns from an article entitled “Poverty in Germany is growing - and politics is watching” that, according to the German Paritätischer Wohlfahrtsverband, there are several million poor people in Germany, the number of which is steadily increasing (Badische Zeitung 25.01. 1994). In the second, this time with the heading “Germany's rich are getting richer: the number of millionaires is increasing”, the Federal Statistical Office informs that the group of people with an annual income of over DM 10 million has almost doubled within three years, and that of those , who earn at least 1 million DM annually, have also increased significantly (Badische Zeitung January 25, 1994).1
As long as one undertakes an analysis of the capitalist “world system”, and nation states are used as an analytical unit, these polarizing tendencies disappear in the high aggregate density of the analysis material. An analysis of the global economic system can therefore not stop at the interpretation of the structure, but must take into account that changes are constantly taking place in its subsystems.
In the first section of this thesis, essential changes in the industrialized nations should therefore be discussed. It will be shown how the “economic miracle societies” of the post-war period developed into crisis-ridden affluent nations, whose economic and social structure have changed dramatically. These changes have a significant impact on the perception of problems in the so-called developing countries and lead to a whole series of defense mechanisms, starting with stricter immigration and asylum laws, regulations on the import of goods (protectionism) and international initiatives dominated by the industrialized nations Community on global environmental problems up to the attempts to be able to directly influence the economic policies of the so-called developing countries. Structural adjustment programs of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund as well as the reorganization of the world trading system through the Uruguay Round of the GATT try to face a changed global economic situation. It is not uncommon for the interests of multinational corporations from industrialized nations to come to the fore. Unlike before the beginning of the 1980s, when these direct investments were made in so-called developing countries to reduce production costs, there is now the additional aspect of opening up new mass markets. In the present work, however, the development of the capitalist world system in the 20th century can neither be traced nor analyzed in detail. Only a few aspects of this development are to be addressed, which are absolutely necessary for understanding changing economic concepts in relation to the so-called developing countries.
2.2.2 The national system level
India differs in many ways from other states, which are also referred to as developing countries. It can now look back on almost 50 years of democratic tradition, which has proven to be viable despite all the crises. In contrast to many development dictatorships, India is an extremely pluralistic country in which freedom of expression and other inalienable rights are very important. In the economic area, the country has succeeded in building a highly diversified industry, which is also reflected in the diversification of foreign trade. At the same time it must be emphasized that independent India has so far been spared from famines of African proportions, which can be attributed on the one hand to strong growth in agricultural production and on the other hand to active state intervention in times of crisis.
At the same time, India is the nation that is home to the greatest number of undernourished or, above all, malnourished people, a nation that, after the USA and the former Soviet Union, has the most trained nuclear scientists, although the literacy rate is just 36 percent (Sen 1990 : 9).
(The Indian system) “permits endemic malnutrition and hunger that is not acute, so long as these happen quietly; it does not permit a famine both because it would be too acute and because it cannot happen quietly. It permits the injustice of keeping a large majority of the people illiterate while the elite enjoys the benefits of vast system of higher education [...] The elections, the newspapers, and the political liberties work powerfully against dramatic deprivations and new sufferings, but easily allow the quiet continuation of an astonishing set of persistent injustices "(Sen 1990: 20f)
Undernourishment and malnutrition in India cannot be understood as a result of a lack of nutrition, but as the result of an inadequate and unjust distribution of social wealth. This social inequality takes place against the background of specific economic, political and cultural framework conditions, which are examined in the second section of this work.
Bohle (1992) points to various connections between hunger and other social problem areas. For example, on the connection between hunger and poverty, weapons, (civil) wars, environmental destruction, social discrimination and development policy (Bohle 1992: 79f.). Furthermore, there is a close connection between monetarist structural adjustment policies and hunger, as well as between international trade policies and practices and hunger (Kent 1980, 1984).
On the basis of economic development (both the real economy and its organizational principles), the aim is to show what effects a stronger integration of India into the world system will have.
As a result of the structural adjustment program negotiated with the International Monetary Fund in 1991, such increased integration has now made great progress in many areas (in terms of regulatory policy) and has led to Indian economic policy - and thus spreading across other policy areas (social policy, environmental policy, foreign policy ) - has changed significantly in a short time. In addition to the pressure to adapt, which exerted an external influence on the Indian decision-makers, it is necessary to explain the task of fundamental economic and socio-political positions from an internal Indian dynamic.
In this context, two aspects have to be considered. First the class character of Indian society, i.e. the conflicts that arise from conflicts of interest between those who have and who do not have any means of production. Secondly but also the conflicts about different interests within these social groups. For this reason it is not very practical to assume a dichotomy of the actual interests in the Marxist sense. The different social groups in the production process are inherently so heterogeneous that an analytical framework of a two-tier class society is too broad to be able to even approximate the social reality. Many conflicts cannot be explained by the fact that groups who own means of production and those without means of production are in a class struggle with one another, but rather by the fact that different privileged groups compete for social (pre) power. This is most evident in the conflict of interests between industrial and agricultural elites. A further differentiation is necessary because with the state bureaucracy another important group has to be taken into account, which does not define itself through the ownership of the means of production.
In this context, the question of the Political culture1 a special meaning. If a close connection between political instabilities in the form of wars or civil wars and hunger was addressed above, then the question of how such instabilities arise, what goals they serve and in what way they impair the food security of people is raised at the same time.
There has been worrying political instability in India in recent years. The signs at the national level are an uncertain majority in parliament and the resulting temporary inability of the national government to act. This is accompanied by a restructuring of the party landscape, characterized by the fragmentation of existing parties and the increase in importance of formerly smaller, often only regional parties. India also went through a serious domestic political crisis during the field research for the present work. At the national level, a total of three governments were introduced into office during this period, twice as a result of elections that were accompanied by serious violence and election manipulation. In addition, violent clashes between different castes and different religious communities shaped the domestic political atmosphere. The assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi near Madras in May 1991 was a temporary culmination of these waves of violence. At the same time it must be stated that the observance of certain constitutionally guaranteed rights (human rights, freedom of the press) is subject to increasing erosion.
2.2.3 The Tamil Nadu state level
India is a federal nation. Important areas (education, agriculture, transport, health, etc.) are the responsibility of the state governments. In addition to the national government, they also act as economic entities, i.e. they run state-owned companies and are therefore responsible in many ways for the economic and social development of the respective federal state, although they are dependent on the support of the national government. The existence of another (political and economic) actor makes the power and decision-making structure even more complex. Due to the strong fiscal dependency of the state governments, many development deficits are shifted from the central state to the member states, which in turn are largely in debt and are therefore unable to act. This also leads to political instability there and at the same time exacerbates tensions that exist between the national government and the state governments.
The state level investigation must therefore take into account these two aspects. First the relationship of tension and interests between the nation state and its federal members (in the present work between India as a nation and Tamil Nadu as a federal state within this nation); Secondly it is important to shed light on the internal interests in the state itself, i.e. the conflict between different interest groups at the state level. The aspect of political culture comes into play here even more than in the analysis of the national level, and its regional character is to be examined.
2.2.4 The local system level: The fishing village of Nochikuppam
Power constellations, policies and measures on the system levels described so far are to be regarded as meaningless if it is established that they have no influence on people's lives. However, this cannot be said because the local level is not an autonomous entity. The aim of the investigation cannot only be to establish such an obvious connection, but it will be necessary to analyze the mechanisms of action of the interconnection and to evaluate the results of such interconnection.
The field research for the present work was carried out in a fishing settlement in the southern Indian metropolis of Madras. For the most part, the people of this fishing village are still employed in fishing today, in what is known as "small-scale fishing" or in English as " Small-scale fishery " referred to as.
Like other poor groups, fishermen are exposed to a variety of changes that are made outside their sphere of decision-making, but which have a major impact on their lives. They are integrated into structures that at first glance seem to have no influence whatsoever on their lives, but which then turn out to be relevant on closer inspection. The study is therefore less of a classic village / slum study in which the examined community is examined in isolation from the “rest of society”.
In the sections preceding this chapter, these exogenous processes were examined without having yet answered the question of how they affect the lives of people who have not yet heard much about the foreign trade deficit, most-favored nation clauses, the trade dispute between Japan, the EC and the USA, etc. . For these people, their immediate environment represents the center of their lives, i.e. the empirical result of such a study will primarily only bring to light endogenous structures and processes, which then have to be related to the higher-level dynamics. Some of these processes are apparently linked to the lives of small-scale fishermen, e.g. the effects of export-promoting measures for marine products. The task of an analysis will therefore only be to assess whether such a policy tends to favor small-scale fishermen because they receive high prices for their products from export agencies, or disadvantages them because the high profit expectations in this area cause changes that affect small-scale fishermen's economic and economic interests thereby also rob their livelihood.
From the choice of the community to be investigated, it follows that the work analyzes aspects of economic and social change in the Indian fisheries sector. The people in the fishing village are not only producers, but also consumers. A whole series of events that affect you as consumers are important for your life, such as the price development of basic goods and services, the provision of infrastructure, support from the state in times of need and crisis, etc.
A first approach to the living situation of some of the people in the fishing village will be the production area, specifically the changes in fishing, which is characterized by natural factors (weather conditions, ocean currents, fish stocks and the resulting seasonality of fish catches and incomes), by technical factors Innovations and - influenced by them - changes in work organization. Another component of the production area is the distribution of the means of production (or production factors), i.e. the possession of boats and other fishing equipment.
With this aspect, the production area is already left, and the subsequent investigation focuses on the socio-economic stratification in the fishing village and its dynamics. Here, different groups should first be worked out, which differ from one another due to certain factors. It investigates how these different groups (can) react to a changing environment, i.e. whether there are behavioral patterns for them in order to be able to better master the problems that are specific to them. Another component of the study of socio-economic stratification will be the question of how local power is legitimized and what it is used for.
2.3 The theoretical embedding of the test results
It may be unusual to put the theoretical embedding of such a work at its end. If this happens anyway, there are very specific reasons for it. For one thing, it has become difficult to submit a theory-led paper at a time when there is much talk of the “end of theories”. The uncertainty about what can still be considered theoretically secure today and what has long since become obsolete and obsolete has left its mark on the author. A procedure in which the description and analysis of real processes is in the foreground, without wanting to commit to its theory in advance, can, however, also be understood as a virtue. An inductive research approach also has the great advantage that it is much easier for the scientist to take into account emerging new points of view in the course of the investigation. At the same time, however, there is a great disadvantage of an inductive approach: namely the risk that the aim of the investigation is watered down.
Now, however, even a scientist who has opted for an inductive approach will not go far from any theory to work. With the intention of including different levels of analysis in the consideration of a fishing community, an approach that became known in German-speaking countries as the “Bielefelder entanglement approach” (cf. Schmidt-Wulfen 1987) is suggested. In the theoretical consideration of the research results, core statements of this approach should therefore be used, firstly to theoretically embed the vertical interweaving of different levels of analysis, and secondly, to understand the actions of groups or individuals as a consequence of the effectiveness of such different levels.
At the same time, however, theories should also be processed that have been used to explain the origin of hunger crises, but which are also suitable for explaining processes of underdevelopment that do not necessarily have to end in a famine. Legal disposal approaches are just as suitable for this as approaches to explain the susceptibility of societal systems to crisis.
The present work deals with the tension between market, state and civil society. It does not claim to want to illuminate this tension in all its facets. A sector-specific focus is on small-scale fishing, with other economic areas - albeit less intensively - also to be addressed. A further thematic narrowing down will have to be made in such a way that the social protection of social groups is addressed in particular: on the one hand, the forms of social protection outside of state intervention, but on the other hand, precisely the state measures that aim to make different social groups social secure.
3 The global system level: global economic structures in transition
The reforms in Indian economic policy represent, among other things, an attempt to bring the country's economy, which since independence (1947) had been isolated from external influences - albeit not completely - from external influences since independence (1947), closer to the world market. Without first referring to which social groups would benefit from such an internationalization of the Indian economy, the first question to be dealt with is how the global economic system is structured and which power constellations it expresses. In this context, two aspects in particular should be addressed:
1. the changing importance of economies in the global capitalist system, especially in an increasing Transnationalization of Capital Accumulation finds expression.
2. The answers that state and multinational economic policies have been able to provide to the changing conditions of capital accumulation. In this context - in relation to the industrialized nations - the change from Keynesian to monetarist economic policies will have to be addressed. Then it will be examined how these neoliberal concepts in the form of structural adjustment programs and the reorganization of the world trading system can also be transferred to so-called developing countries.
3.1 The structural change in the world economy up to the 1980s: Shares and relationship structures in the world economy
A significant structural change took place in the world economy up until the 1980s. While in 1950 the USA still generated 61 percent of value added in the OECD area, this share had fallen to 38 percent in 1987. The share of Japan has increased ninefold during this time (from 2.5 to 21 percent), and the share of Western European industrial nations has also increased - albeit less drastically - from 31 to 38 percent (Christl 1990: 22). Outside the OECD, some East Asian nations in particular, such as South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, were able to significantly expand their position in the world economy (Menzel 1988: 79-91; Weidmann 1990: 42). During this time, the world trade volume increased by almost fifty times (Christl 1990: 22). The world flow of goods flowed largely between the industrialized nations, which led Senghaas (1992) to state that the world economy is in reality an OECD economy (Senghaas 1992: 1071). Josling (1987) points out that the so-called developing countries were able to increase their share of trade in goods by almost 10 percent (from 18 to 27.5 percent) between 1970 and 1980, but then leads this process primarily to the sharp rise in prices for Crude oil back. Mainly the oil-exporting countries are therefore likely to be responsible for the larger share of world trade in this group of countries (Josling 1987).
“The high growth dynamics of the metropolitan mass consumer goods markets assigned a new role to the external markets: while the foreign trade of the industrialized countries before the Second World War, as a complementary exchange process, was geared to agricultural and raw material countries, it shifted to the substitutive ones in the Fordist post-war boom inter-industrial exchange between industrialized countries [...] Accordingly, the share of agricultural primary goods in world trade fell from almost half in 1913/17 to a fifth in 1970 ”(Hurtienne 1986: 89).
In the trade in services, the concentration on industrialized nations is even more pronounced, with the USA taking an undisputed leading position (GATT-IT 1992a: 12). The trade in services grew faster than the trade in goods in the 1980s. From 1984 to 1990 the latter increased by 83 percent, while trade in services recorded an increase of 97 percent. For example, in the USA, Great Britain and France, between 40 and 50 percent of total exports were made in the service sector (Schultz 1987: 157).
Despite these structural data, it cannot be assumed that the world economy and world trade will increasingly become the affairs of a few industrialized nations. The dynamics expressed in them make clear, however, how things are with the chances of realizing structural adjustment programs (SAP), which aim to integrate the so-called developing countries more intensively into the world economy. These are now exposed to the situation that in the industrialized nations - due to low population growth in connection with a severe recession - the markets are growing much more slowly today than in the 50s and 60s (Schütz-Müller 1993: 442).
Three other important aspects that prevent the so-called developing countries from participating in world trade are briefly mentioned here:
- first the industrialized nations are increasingly isolating their markets from foreign competitors, whereby the trade barriers with developing countries are higher than with other industrialized nations (cf. FES 1992: 47; Hartwig 1991).
- Secondly the number of developing countries that have been more closely integrated into the world market through structural adjustment programs in recent years has become very large.1 As a result, there is ever more predatory competition among them: the prices of their export products - mostly agricultural and other raw materials - are falling.
- third Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the integration of a large number of former socialist countries - once part of the so-called Second World - into the world market has been pushed forward. Their currently very low economic strength2 Although it does not yet pose an acute threat to the export opportunities of the so-called developing countries, structural adjustment measures in connection with extensive foreign loans will soon force them to increase exports and thus make them competitors of the so-called developing countries (Hetmeier 1993: 48f; Klingenbiel 1993: 429). However, it is very questionable whether they will be too anytime soon Markets for products from the so-called developing countries (cf. Chahoud 1992).3
In the past 50 years, not only the relationship structures between the industrialized and so-called developing countries have changed. The branch structures of the economies in industrialized countries have also changed.
If the trade in services has seen stronger growth than the trade in goods, this also reflects a change in the economic significance of these areas. The role of the service sector is even more important than its share in foreign trade suggests (Schultz 1987: 156). While the primary and secondary sectors have suffered a considerable loss of importance, the tertiary sector not only generates an ever larger share of total value added, but also provides an ever larger share of jobs. The trend towards a service society is obvious in the industrialized nations (tertiaryization). In this context, it is hardly surprising that in the context of the Uruguay Round of the GATT, the USA in particular attached great importance to the service sector. At the same time, however, it should not be overlooked that agriculture - although it plays an ever-decreasing role in industrialized nations both in terms of its importance for added value and employment - is still protected from foreign competition by high import barriers.
3.1.1 The first great crisis of the Fordist model of accumulation
1 The Fordist accumulation model is closely related to economic and social developments in the USA since the beginning of this century. The interaction of the "scientific management" developed by Frederick Taylor towards the end of the last century - i.e. the breakdown of the work process into the simplest sub-operations and the mechanical assembly line introduced by Henry Ford in 1913 - were the prerequisites for the mass production of durable consumer goods. These business innovations led, through the “fragmentation” and “standardization” of the production process, to considerable increases in labor productivity with a simultaneous decrease in production costs (Hirsch 1985: 167). As workers' wages could be increased in this way and the prices for mass-produced products fell at the same time, there was a rapidly growing demand for durable consumer goods such as cars, washing machines, refrigerators, radios, etc. In the 1920s (golden twenties) not only did these new production methods experience a breakthrough, but with them - initially in the USA - the mass consumer society emerged. The initially almost insatiable demand provided a guarantee for a permanent expansion of industrial production capacities and historically unique profits (Hurtienne 1984 Vol-2: 273-285). However, not all social groups could participate equally in this mass consumption, and regardless of the “consumption frenzy”, an increasing inequality of income distribution developed.While between 1923 and 1929 the wages of the entire workforce rose by only eleven percent, profits from industry rose by 62 percent and those from dividends by 65 percent (Hurtienne 1984 Vol. 2: 295). From 1926 the first demand of the affluent social classes was satisfied and a sharp decline in demand set in.
"An increasing part of the growing mass of profit and capital income was no longer productively invested by companies or invested by wealth budgets in industrial stocks serving to finance investments, but flowed into a rapidly growing speculative market for securities of all kinds" (Hurtienne 1984 vol. 2: 305).
Due to the "stock market crash" on Wall Street on October 23, 1929 (Black Friday) the escalations in the speculative business were abruptly stopped, which initially brought the American and consequently the European banking system to collapse. The subsequent global economic crisis led to a considerable decline in production in most industrialized nations (cf. Galbraith 1988; Hurtienne 1984 Bd-2: 265; Rothermund 1992). The loss of world trade dynamics led to a race of devaluation of previously unknown proportions. In order to be able to offer their goods more cheaply on the world market, the different governments outdid each other in devaluing their currencies, but at the same time sealed off their own markets from foreign competitors.
“In 1938 world trade was little more than two-thirds of its 1913 level, and in 1948 European trade was another 15 percent below this modest level. There had been no such setback since the beginning of the industrial revolution ”(Hobsbawm 1981: 43).
The crisis of capitalism in the 1920s also meant that the governments of the industrialized countries had to tread new economic and socio-political paths in order to be able to control the growing discontent of large sections of the population.
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